Thursday, November 30, 2006
Tuesday, November 28, 2006
Rehearsals for departures
One departure, one arrival, and one return from the brink:
- Michael Grade left the BBC. The decision was broken, as I understand it, in the Telegraph, and confirmed this morning. No news yet on salary, but it may top £2m. No news yet on how how he will be replaced. A former surgeon, acting Chair Chitra Bharucha looks unlikely to step up to the top seat. I suggest the BBC will go from someone outside of the media who is happy with a regulatory rule. A former financial regulator, for example, would be a wonderful touch in the run up to the licence fee settlement.
- Luis Férnandez was designated President of RTVE. In a boost for the broadcaster, Fernandez was nominated with the agreement of both the main parties. The remaining nominations to the council will be made on Monday. The rapid turnaround - one month of inter-regnum - augurs well for RTVE's future governability; though the demand of the United Left and nationalist parties to be represented on the 12 member party may still mean that nominees are closely identified with particular parties.
- Silvio Berlusconi collapsed at a campaign rally before recovering. Rai quickly apologised for a comedy sketch mocking Berlusconi. Having not seen the sketch, I can't comment on whether it was in bad taste or not. I suspect it was (it would be hard for it to be otherwise), but Rai has certainly done well to applaud fulsomely and quickly.
Labels:
appointments,
BBC,
berlusconi,
fernandez,
grade,
RTVE
Thursday, November 23, 2006
News from Flanders
Variety has the most ridiculously over-blown style. Here it describes the sacking of VRT CEO Tony Mary after the Flemish government got pissed off with Mary's sale of a popular TV show to a pay-per-view competitor. Piet Van Roe replaces Mary.
Directors-General of European PSBs
Measures of central bank independence have sometimes used the rate of turnover of Central Bank Governors as an indicator of de facto independence (which, it turns out, is reasonably strongly correlated with de jure independence). How does it work for PSBs? The following table gives the average time in post of a number of PSB Directors-General.
Public broadcaster | Average tenure of DG |
---|---|
NRK [Norway] | 9 years 8 months |
ABC [Australia] | 8 years 10 months |
YLE [Finland] | 8 years 6 months |
DR [Denmark] | 7 years 2 months |
BBC [UK] | 6 years 8 months |
CBC [Canada] | 5 years 4 months |
ORF [Austria] | 5 years 1 month |
NHK [Japan] | 4 years 6 months |
Rai [Italy] | 2 years 10 months |
PTV [Poland] | 2 years 10 months |
France Télévisions/ORTF | 2 years 6 months |
Czech TV | 1 year 11 months |
MTV [Hungary] | 1 year |
RTVE [Spain] | 11 months |
Norway
List of Broadcasting Chiefs of Norwegian PSB NRK [from Wikipedia]
- Kaare Fostervoll (1949–1962)
- Hans Jacob Ustvedt (1962–1972)
- Torolf Elster (1972–1981)
- Bjartmar Gjerde (1981–1989)
- Einar Førde (1989–2001)
- John G. Bernander (15th July 2001–2007)
Average tenure of DG: 9 years 8 months.
Percentage of government changes followed within six months by change of Director-General (Cukierman political vulnerability index): 3/21 = 14.29% [Korvald, Bruntland (I), Syse governments possibly followed by changes, though the timing may be wrong with no more precise dates than these]
Australia
Directors-General and Managing Directors of ABC:
- Sir Charles Moses (1935–65)
- Sir Talbot Duckmanton (1965–82)
- Keith Jennings (1982-83)
- Geoffrey Whitehead (1983–86)
- David Hill (1986–94)
- Brian Johns (1994–99 )
- Jonathan Shier (??/03/2000–31/12/2001);
- Russell Balding (29/05/2002–20/03/2006); left before the end of his five-year contract
- Mark Scott (22/05/2006–present)
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 1/11 = 9.09% [Hawke government followed by appointment of Geoffrey Whitehead]
Finland
List of Directors-General of Finnish PSB YLE [from Wikipedia]:
- Hella Wuolijoki 1945–1949
- Einar Sundström 1950–1964
- Eino S. Repo 1965–1969
- Erkki Raatikainen 1970–1979
- Sakari Kiuru 1980–1989
- Reino Paasilinna 1990–1994
- Arne Wessberg 1994–2005
- Mikael Jungner 2005–
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 3/35 = 8.57% (counting changes of Prime Minister; Kekkonen (I), Virolainen, Koivisto (II) governments followed by changes); 1/6 = 16.67% (counting changes of President; Ahtisaari presidency followed by appointment of Wessberg).
Denmark
List of Directors-General of Danmarks Radio [from DR website]
- Hans Juul Sølvhøj 1961 - 1964
- Erik Carlsen 1964 - 1967
- Hans Juul Sølvhøj 1967 - 1976
- Laurits Bindsløv 1976 - 1985
- Hans Jørgen Jensen 1985 - 1994
- Christian Nissen 1994 - 2004
- Kenneth Plummer 2005 -
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 0.
United Kingdom
BBC Directors-General (post-war period only):
- Sir William Haley (31st March 1944-30th September 1952)
- Sir Ian Jacob (1st December 1952- 31st December 1959)
- Sir Hugh Greene (1st January 1960-31st March 1969)
- Sir Charles Curran (1st April 1969-1977)
- Sir Ian Trethowan (1977-1982)
- Alasdair Milne (1982-29/1/1987)
- Sir Michael Checkland (27/2/1987-??/12/1992); stepped down two months early after Birt's appointment named well in advance
- Sir John Birt (??/12/1992-2000)
- Greg Dyke (01/04/2000 - January 29, 2004)
- Mark Thompson (June 22, 2004 - )
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 0.
Canada
Presidents of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, post-war period only:- 1945–1958: A. Davidson Dunton
- 1958–1967: J. Alphonse Ouimet
- 1968–1972: George F. Davidson
- 1972–1975: Laurent A. Picard
- 1975–1982: A.W. Johnson
- 1982–1989: Pierre Juneau
- 1989: William T. Armstrong
- 1989–1994: Gérard Veilleux
- 1994–1995: Anthony S. Manera
- 31st March 1995–1999: Perrin Beatty
- November 1999–Present: Robert Rabinovitch
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 3/13 = 23.07% (Diefenbaker, Trudeau (I) and Chrétien governments followed by changes).
Austria
List of Directors-General of Austrian PSB ORF [from Wikipedia]:
- 1960–1967: Josef Scheidl
- 1967–1974: Gerd Bacher
- 1974–1978: Otto Oberhammer
- 1978–1986: Gerd Bacher
- 1986–1990: Thaddäus Podgorski
- 1990–1994: Gerd Bacher
- 1994–1998: Gerhard Zeiler
- 1998–2001: Gerhard Weis
- 2002–31/12/2006: Monika Lindner
- 01/01/2007- : Alexander Wrabetz
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 1/7 = 14.28% (Vranitzky government followed by appointment of Podgorski).
Japan
NHK Presidents [Kaicho], post-Occupation period only [from Wikipedia, Ellis Krauss' Broadcasting Politics in Japan]:
- 高野岩三郎 1946年4月26日~1949年4月5日; completed a three year term before introduction of the 1950 Broadcasting Act
- 古垣鐵郎 1949年5月30日~1956年6月13日; two three-year terms; prolonged slightly by passage of the 1950 Act
- 永田清 1956年6月13日~1957年11月3日; Kiyoshi died in office
- 野村秀雄 1958年1月14日~1960年10月17日; Nomura appointed late after LDP factional disagreement
- 阿部眞之助 1960年10月17日~1964年7月9日;
- 前田義徳 1964年7月17日~1973年7月16日; three-term President, Maeda resigned after patron Satō died
- 小野吉郎 1973年7月17日~1976年9月4日; resigned two months into a second three year term
- 坂本朝一 1976年9月21日~1982年7月2日; two quiet three-year terms
- 川原正人 1982年7月3日~1988年7月2日; two three year terms
- 池田芳蔵 1988年7月3日~1989年4月4日; Ikeda resigned on grounds off ill-health
- 島桂次 1989年4月12日~1991年7月16日; Shima resigned after annoying certain LDP factions
- 川口幹夫 1991年7月31日~1997年7月30日; two quiet three year terms
- 海老沢勝二 1997年7月31日~2005年1月25日; resigned after corruption scandals
- 橋本元一 2005年1月25日~現在
Average tenure of Presidents, excluding most recent: 4 years, 6 months.
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 1/29 = 3.44% (Ikeda government followed by appointment of Shinosuke Abe).
Average percentage of tenure completed: 87.78%
Italy
Directors-General of RAI:
Salvino Sernesi | 1949 | 1953 |
Giovan Battista Vicentini | 1954 | 1955 |
Rodolfo Arata | (June) 1956 | 1960 |
Ettore Bernabei | January 5, 1961 | September 18, 1974 |
Michele Principe | May 23, 1975 | January 25, 1977 |
Giuseppe Glisenti | January 26, 1977 | June 17, 1977 |
Pierantonino Bertè | July 12, 1977 | June 18, 1980 |
Villy De Luca | June 19, 1980 | July 21, 1982 |
Biagio Agnes | July 29, 1982 | February 1, 1990 |
Gianni Pasquarelli | February 5, 1990 | July 23, 1993 |
Gianni Locatelli | July 23, 1993 | August 3, 1994 |
Gianni Billia | August 3, 1994 | December 31, 1994 |
Raffaele Minicucci | January 16, 1995 | February 29, 1996 |
Aldo Materia [1] | March 6, 1996 | July 15, 1996 |
Franco Iseppi | July 15, 1996 | February 8, 1998 |
Pier Luigi Celli | February 9, 1998 | February 17, 2000 |
Pier Luigi Celli [2] | February 17, 2000 | February 9, 2001 |
Claudio Cappon | February 9, 2001 | March 19, 2002 |
Agostino Saccà | March 19, 2002 | March 27, 2003 |
Flavio Cattaneo | March 27, 2003 | August 5, 2005 |
Alfredo Meocci | August 5, 2005 | June 20, 2006 |
Claudio Cappon | June 22, 2006 | present |
Average tenure of Directors-General, excluding most recent: 2 years 10 months.
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 8/36 = 22.22% (Fanfani (I), Fanfani (III), Moro (II), Andreotti (II), Andreotti (III), Ciampi, Berlusconi (I), Prodi (I), Prodi (II) governments followed by changes).
Poland
Presidents of Telewizja Polska (PTV):- Wiesław Walendziak (Jan 1994 - Apr 1996)
- Ryszard Miazek (Apr 1996 - June 1998)
- Robert Kwiatkowski (July 1998 - Jan 2004)
- Jan Dworak (Feb 2004 - May 2006)
- Bronislaw Wildstein (May 2006 - )
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 2/9 = 22.22% (Pawlak (II), Cimoszewicz governments followed by changes).
France
Presidents of France Télévisions (and before, joint presidents of France 2 and France 3, and Presidents of ORTF):- Jacques-Bernard Dupont : 27/06/1964 - 7/06/1968
- Jean-Jacques de Bresson : 7/06/1968 - 13/05/1972
- Arthur Conte : 14/07/1972 - 23/10/1973
- Marceau Long : 23/10/1973 - 31/12/1974
- Jean Cazeneuve : 06/01/1975 - 1978 [President, TF1]
- Jean-Louis Guillaud : 1978 - 06/1981
- Jacques Boutet : 06/1981 - 31/08/1982
- Michel May : 31/08/1982 - 14/07/1983
- Hervé Bourges : 14/07/1983 - 06/04/1987
- Francis Bouygues : 06/04/1987 - 23/02/1988
- Patrick Le Lay : depuis le 23/02/1988
- Philippe Guilhaume : 10/08/1989 - 07/09/1992 [Presidents, France 2, France 3]
- Hervé Bourges : 07/09/1992 - 13/12/1993
- Jean-Pierre Elkabbach : 13/12/1993 - 06/06/1996
- Xavier Gouyou Beauchamps : 06/06/1996 - 28/05/1999
- Marc Tessier : 28/05/1999 - 06/07/2005
- Patrick de Carolis : depuis le 06/07/2005
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 5/16 = 31.25% (Messmer, Chirac (I), Mauroy, Bérégovoy, de Villepin governments followed by changes).
Czech Republic
Česká televize, Directors-General:
Ivo Mathé | 1. January 1992 | 1. April 1998 |
Jakub Puchalský | 1. April 1998 | 31.january 2000 |
Dušan Chmelíček | 1. February 2000 | 21. December 2000 |
Jiří Hodač | 22. December 2000 | 11. January 2001 |
Inter-rim period | 11. January 2001 | 9. February 2001 |
Jiří Balvín | 9 February 2001 | 27. November 2002 |
Petr Klimeš (inter-rim director)) | 27. November 2002 | 18. July 2003 |
Jiří Janeček | 19. July 2003 | (current) |
Average tenure of Directors-General, excluding most recent: 1 year 11 months.
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 2/7 = 28.57% (Tosovsky', Spidla governments followed by changes).
Hungary
Magyar Televizio, Presidents [from EUMAP]- István Nemeskürty (January–April 1990),
- Albert Szalacsi Tóth (April–August 1990),
- Elemér Hankiss (August 1990–January 1993),
- Gábor Nahlik (January 1993–July 1994),
- Tibor Szilárd (July 1994),
- Ádám Horváth (July 1994–December 1995),
- Ferenc Székely (January–September 1996),
- István Peták (October 1996–January 1998),
- Lóránt Horvát (January 1998–May 1999),
- Zsolt Szabó László (May 1999–July 2001),
- Károly Mendreczky (July 2001–July 2002),
- Imre Ragáts (July 2002–December 2003),
- György Pinke (January 2004–February 2004),
- Zoltán Rudi (March 2004–
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 4/6 = 66.67% (Antall, Boross, Horn, Medgyessy governments followed by changes).
Spain
Directors-General of RTVE:- Fernando Castedo (Jan '81 to Oct '81)
- Carlos Robles (Oct '81 to July '82)
- Eugenio Nasarre (Jul '82 to Dec '82)
- Jose-Maria Calvino (Dec '82 to Oct '86);
- Pilar Miro (Oct '86 to Jan '89);
- Luis Solana (Jan '89 to Feb '90);
- Jordi Garcia (Feb '90 to May '96)
- Mónica Ridruejo (May '96 to Feb '97)
- Fernando López-Amor (Feb '97 to Nov '98)
- Pío Cabanillas (Nov '98 to May '00);
- Javier González (May '00 to July '02)
- José Antonio Sánchez Domínguez (July '02 to April '04);
- Carmen Caffarel (April 2004 onwards)
Cukierman political vulnerability index: 4 / 5 = 80% (all government changes since Suárez followed by changes, except change in 1993 between majority and minority PSOE governments).
Labels:
appointments,
australia,
austria,
canada,
finland,
france,
france televisions,
japan,
lottizzazione,
nhk,
norway,
nrk,
orf,
turnover,
yle
Five ways to get the right answer from your independent review of coverage
The BBC announced today a review of its coverage of business. The review - which follows previous reviews of coverage of the European Union and the Middle East - will be conducted by a panel of six of the 'great and the good', and forms part of the new Trust's ongoing Impartiality Project.
These reviews are an invaluable source of data, and, assuming their investigative reach is great enough, may contribute to a more sophisticated understanding amongst BBC content producers of the nature of impartiality across a number of fields.
However, I suspect that the use of these reviews is as much symbolic as actual. In other words: the review process is structured so that clear-cut findings of partiality will be avoided and positive-sum findings of insufficient understanding emphasised. Influenced greatly from a presentation by John Downey and Dominic Wring at a recent conference, here are five ways in which you, the humble public service broadcaster, can structure your inquiry.
These reviews are an invaluable source of data, and, assuming their investigative reach is great enough, may contribute to a more sophisticated understanding amongst BBC content producers of the nature of impartiality across a number of fields.
However, I suspect that the use of these reviews is as much symbolic as actual. In other words: the review process is structured so that clear-cut findings of partiality will be avoided and positive-sum findings of insufficient understanding emphasised. Influenced greatly from a presentation by John Downey and Dominic Wring at a recent conference, here are five ways in which you, the humble public service broadcaster, can structure your inquiry.
- Issues that the BBC is already confident about, or which have already been the subject of some previous enquiry, are chosen. In the case of the BBC's review of its coverage of Israel-Palestine, the Governors' review followed a much harsher review conducted by BBC Management (the Balen report). The Governors therefore already had an idea that BBC Management was trying to improve its coverage, and was therefore not concerned that a potential blind-spot might be unearthed. The review of EU coverage had already been fore-shadowed by numerous content analyses by a strange Eurosceptic outfit called Global Britain, which generally arrived at rather tendentious conclusions, but signalled the issue quite clearly.
- Panels are 'representative'. In other words, where the issue is x, pick one or two representatives who will be portrayed as pro-x, one or two representatives who will be portrayed as anti-x, and the remaining representatives from unconnected areas of public life who will be perceived as having no axe to grind in any contest between pro-s and anti-s. The Europe review included two Europhiles (Stephen Wall and Lucy Armstrong), and two Euro-sceptics (Rodney Leach, Nigel Smith). The business report includes two notionally pro-business members (Alan Budd; Chris Bones) and two notional skeptics (Barbara Stocking; John Naughton).
- Quantitative research is commissioned. All reviews so far have carried out content analysis: one by John Morrison (former BBC Television news editor) on the EU; one by Loughborough University on Israel-Palestine; and one now by Leeds University.
- ... and then deprecated. The Loughborough report found that the BBC tended to give more screen-time over to Israeli representatives than Palestinian representatives; due, argue the authors, to the weaker development of Palestinian civil society and its correspondingly lower capacity to provide vox-pops. This finding of a 'direction' of partiality was smoothed over in the report.
- 'Greater understanding' emerges as a common solution. Both EU and Israel-Palestine reports found fault, not with the direction of partiality, but the problems for impartiality of insufficiently deep coverage. In other words, a verdict that any side can interpret as favouring its position, since, ultimately, the historical record, as interpreted by the dogmatic reader, tends to favour the dogmatic reader.
Tuesday, November 21, 2006
Political balance = balance of politicians?
The centre-right is annoyed with Rai thanks to two programmes: Fabio Fazio's hosting of Finance Minister Padoa-Schioppa on Che Tempo Che Fa, and Lucia Annunziata's hosting of Enrico Deaglio on Ballaro. Padoa-Schioppa took time to explain the left's budget; Deaglio, a journalist, argued that the centre-right was ready to stuff the ballot boxes in last April's general election. In both cases, the centre-right makes the same complaints: these programmes were not balanced because they lacked a reply from the centre-right. But to read this report on Annunziata's questioning of Deaglio, his appearance on Ballaro became an own-goal after Annunziata calmly reminded him that the ballots were still there and could be checked for any manipulation of the kind alleged by Deaglio.
What's the thinking here?
What's the thinking here?
- Any screen presence for a particular party can only benefit that party without adequate reply or examination
- (Either) no Italian journalist is sufficiently independent to give that adequate reply or examination,
- (Or) Annunziata and Fazio are not sufficiently independent to give that adequate reply or examination
- Replies or critical examination must be within the same programme.
- Therefore, any screen presence for one party must always contain screen presence for the opposing party
Monday, November 20, 2006
Distribution of screen-time on Today
I'm just back from the PSA Media and Politics Group conference in Sunderland, where I presented a paper on the screen time given over to Italian politicians. Whilst there, I found out that Guy Starkey has compiled similar data [Powerpoint] on the screen-time given over to different parties on the BBC's Today programme during electoral periods. The trend revealed over the period 1997 - 2005 [not shown in the Powerpoint] was for the party in government to receive a greater share of interview time. There was, however, no indication whether this increase in time was associated with increased ferocity of interviewing technique, although the Powerpoint linked to suggests, if anything, the reverse for 1997, with Blair subject to particularly strong attacks.
Friday, November 10, 2006
Meet Ze Monsta
Senate President Franco Marini today defined the new electoral law ¨a monster¨. The law, passed in December of 2005 and already dubbed a ´piece of rubbish´ by its author was criticised for delivering different results in the Camera and in the Senate and for using closed party lists. ¨Citizens are no longer the referees¨, said Marini.
Leaving aside the issue of closed party lists, on which I´m agnostic, it would seem reasonable that either (a) Italy´s system of almost perfect bicameralism without navette or (b) the electoral law be changed, lest Italy be condemned to suffer recurrent constitutional crises or continual government defeats in the Senate. Given that the last attempt to reform bicameralism failed rather badly, it makes sense to change the electoral law.
¨Making sense¨, however, is not always the same as ¨being conducive to partisan advantage¨. Rifondazione Comunista criticised Marini´s rush to reform, and called for a mixed member system along German lines. Antonio Di Pietro (on his blog) criticised Marini´s remarks by claiming that the Unione wished to substitute the current law with an even worse one (perhaps Di Pietro refers to this proposal by Valdo Spini; there is no other current proposal in writing), with excessively high thresholds. Of course, I am sure that these commentators are motivated by preferences over which electoral institutions are best, and that considerations of seat-share play no part in their evaluation.
Leaving aside the issue of closed party lists, on which I´m agnostic, it would seem reasonable that either (a) Italy´s system of almost perfect bicameralism without navette or (b) the electoral law be changed, lest Italy be condemned to suffer recurrent constitutional crises or continual government defeats in the Senate. Given that the last attempt to reform bicameralism failed rather badly, it makes sense to change the electoral law.
¨Making sense¨, however, is not always the same as ¨being conducive to partisan advantage¨. Rifondazione Comunista criticised Marini´s rush to reform, and called for a mixed member system along German lines. Antonio Di Pietro (on his blog) criticised Marini´s remarks by claiming that the Unione wished to substitute the current law with an even worse one (perhaps Di Pietro refers to this proposal by Valdo Spini; there is no other current proposal in writing), with excessively high thresholds. Of course, I am sure that these commentators are motivated by preferences over which electoral institutions are best, and that considerations of seat-share play no part in their evaluation.
Labels:
di pietro,
electoral reform,
marini,
rifondazione comunista
Thursday, November 09, 2006
Mediaset fails to buy ProSiebenSat
Mediaset has been excluded from the short-list of companies competing to buy German TV group ProSiebenSat. Reuters, citing an anonymous source, claims that the exclusion was made on political grounds.
It is not uncommon to argue that Berlusconi's business success is built on political connections rather than business acumen. The contrast between Berlusconi's failure to make headway in the French television market, where he lacks such connections, and his dominance in Italy, is often cited as evidence. Yet it seems clear that such a politicised business strategy carries risks, and seems likely that such a strategy has now become a drag on the group. Mediaset share prices dribbled away their value in anticipation of a centre-left victory in April this year; further expansion abroad is now out of the question, and new markets (TV-over-IP) are less suited to political rent-extraction. The only chance for media entrepeneurs now is to lock customers in through, in Andy Kessler's terms, better pipes; content that forms a unit capable of locking in viewers/browsers. And, although Berlusconi was quick to spot the potential of American soaps like Dallas (Rai had the option on the second season and dropped it; Berlusconi picked it up and made it the centrepiece of one of his channels), original content is not Mediaset's strong suit.
It is not uncommon to argue that Berlusconi's business success is built on political connections rather than business acumen. The contrast between Berlusconi's failure to make headway in the French television market, where he lacks such connections, and his dominance in Italy, is often cited as evidence. Yet it seems clear that such a politicised business strategy carries risks, and seems likely that such a strategy has now become a drag on the group. Mediaset share prices dribbled away their value in anticipation of a centre-left victory in April this year; further expansion abroad is now out of the question, and new markets (TV-over-IP) are less suited to political rent-extraction. The only chance for media entrepeneurs now is to lock customers in through, in Andy Kessler's terms, better pipes; content that forms a unit capable of locking in viewers/browsers. And, although Berlusconi was quick to spot the potential of American soaps like Dallas (Rai had the option on the second season and dropped it; Berlusconi picked it up and made it the centrepiece of one of his channels), original content is not Mediaset's strong suit.
Wednesday, November 08, 2006
Music for today´s bar fiasco shift
artist | album | track |
---|---|---|
boards of canada | geogaddi | 09 The Smallest Weird Number |
can | tago mago | 02 - Mushroom |
air | the virgin suicides | 09 - Afternoon Sister |
clinic | internal wrangler | 03 - Internal Wrangler |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 14 Alpha And Omega |
the knife | sharp cut | 12 Got 2 Let U |
the arcade fire | funeral | 02 Neighborhood #2 (Laika) |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 07 Turquoise Hexagon Sun |
stereototal | musique automatique | 10 La Pequeña Melodia |
clinic | internal wrangler | 02 - The Return Of Evil Bill |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 14 - Give It Up |
clinic | internal wrangler | 09 - Distortions |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 08 Julie And Candy |
clinic | internal wrangler | 01 - Voodoo Wop |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 15 I Saw Drones |
clinic | internal wrangler | 14 - Goodnight Georgie |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 16 Open The Light |
herbie hancock | 04 - Vein Melter | |
air | the virgin suicides | 13 - Suicide Underground |
the knife | sharp cut | 17 The Bridge |
clinic | internal wrangler | 04 - DJ Shangri-La |
the arcade fire | funeral | 08 Haiti |
can | tago mago | 07 - Bring Me Coffee Or Tea |
the knife | sharp cut | 10 Is It Medicine |
stereototal | musique automatique | 11 Le Diable |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 03 The Colour of the Fire |
stereototal | musique automatique | 06 Kleptomane |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 03 - Mighty Mighty (Spade And Whitey) |
the knife | sharp cut | 03 Pass This On |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 01 Wildlife Analysis |
clinic | internal wrangler | 10 - Hippy Death Suite |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 19 Dawn Chorus |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 02 - Move On Up |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 17 A Is To B As B Is To C |
clinic | internal wrangler | 11 - 2nd Foot Stomp |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 15 Smokes Quantity |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 06 Sunshine Recorder |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 10 Rougbiv |
air | the virgin suicides | 01 - Playground Love |
stereototal | musique automatique | 15 Hep Onalti'da |
stereototal | musique automatique | 14 Ypsilon |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 17 One Very Important Thought |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 09 - We The People Who Are Darker Than Blue |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 04 Telephasic Workshop |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 23 Magic Window |
the arcade fire | funeral | 06 Crown Of Love |
the knife | sharp cut | 13 Behind The Bushes |
stereototal | musique automatique | 12 Nationale 7 |
stereototal | musique automatique | 08 Für Immer 16 |
clinic | internal wrangler | 13 - . |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 11 Rue the Whirl |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 07 - Billy Jack |
the knife | sharp cut | 04 One For Your |
the arcade fire | funeral | 09 Rebellion (Lies) |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 13 Opening The Mouth |
air | the virgin suicides | 08 - Highschool Lover |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 12 Aquarius |
the knife | sharp cut | 14 Hanging Out |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 11 - Back To The World |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 09 Bocuma |
the knife | sharp cut | 07 She's Having A Baby |
air | the virgin suicides | 10 - Ghost Song |
air | the virgin suicides | 03 - Bathroom Girl |
stereototal | musique automatique | 01 Musique Automatique |
herbie hancock | 02 - Watermelon Man | |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 10 1969 |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 04 - We Got To Have Peace |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 06 - If I Were Only A Child Again |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 13 - People Get Ready |
clinic | internal wrangler | 08 - Earth Angel |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 05 - Never Say You Can't Survive |
the arcade fire | funeral | 07 Wake Up |
the knife | sharp cut | 11 You Make Me Like Charity |
air | the virgin suicides | 07 - Dirty Trip |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 08 Kaini Industries |
air | the virgin suicides | 06 - The Word 'Hurricane' |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 13 Olson |
stereototal | musique automatique | 03 Ma Radio |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 08 - Superfly |
the arcade fire | funeral | 10 In The Backseat |
air | the virgin suicides | 11 - Empty House |
stereototal | musique automatique | 13 Exakt Neutral |
stereototal | musique automatique | 07 Adieu Adieu |
the knife | sharp cut | 08 You Take My Breath Away |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 12 The Beach At Redpoint |
herbie hancock | 03 - Sly | |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 05 Dandelion |
can | tago mago | 03 - Oh Yeah |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 01 Ready Lets Go |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 05 Triangles & Rhombuses |
stereototal | musique automatique | 05 Les Chansons D'a |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 20 Diving Station |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 02 Music Is Math |
the knife | sharp cut | 06 Listen Now |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 16 The Devil Is In The Details |
stereototal | musique automatique | 02 L'Amour À 3 |
air | the virgin suicides | 02 - Clouds Up |
the arcade fire | funeral | 01 Neighborhood #1 (Tunnels) |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 10 - Underground |
herbie hancock | 01 - Chameleon | |
the arcade fire | funeral | 03 Une Annee Sans Lumiere |
stereototal | musique automatique | 04 Wir Tanzen Im 4-Eck |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 07 In The Annexe |
the knife | sharp cut | 05 The Cop |
the arcade fire | funeral | 05 Neighborhood #4 (7 Kettles) |
the arcade fire | funeral | 04 Neighborhood #3 (Power Out) |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 14 Pete Standing Alone |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 18 Over The Horizon Radar |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 01 - Wild And Free |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 22 Corsair |
the knife | sharp cut | 15 This Is Now |
the knife | sharp cut | 02 Girls' Night Out |
air | the virgin suicides | 04 - Cemetary Party |
can | tago mago | 01 - Paperhouse |
curtis mayfield | give it up | 12 - Keep On Keeping On |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 04 Gyroscope |
the knife | sharp cut | 16 Handy-Man |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 11 Energy Warning |
air | the virgin suicides | 12 - Dead Bodies |
clinic | internal wrangler | 05 - The Second Line |
the knife | sharp cut | 01 Heartbeats |
clinic | internal wrangler | 06 - C.Q. |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 06 Sixtyten |
clinic | internal wrangler | 12 - 24 |
clinic | internal wrangler | 07 - T.K. |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 03 Beware The Friendly Stranger |
boards of canada | music has the right to children | 02 An Eagle in your Mind |
stereototal | musique automatique | 09 Je Suis Une Poupée |
the knife | sharp cut | 09 Rock Classics |
air | the virgin suicides | 05 - Dark Messages |
boards of canada | geogaddi | 21 You Could Feel The Sky |
A Democratic Party for Italy?
As their American brethren celebrate considerable success in the mid-term elections, Italy's 'Democrats' - who so far only exist in theory - are having considerable difficulty forming a single party of the centre-left. Repubblica has run two articles in the past two days on the prospects of the Partito Democratico. They outline the positions of the key actors, which can be summarised as follows:
- The Margherita is anxious about being absorbed. In the past two weeks, there have been a number of stories about false membership cards being registered by local Margherita bosses. The tactic - which was used by the old Democrazia Cristiana to boost the voting power of different factions at party congresses - was seen as an attempt to make the Margherita appear deserving of greater weight in any single centre-left party.
- These concerns have abated over the past few days. Franco Rutelli was quoted in Tuesday's Repubblica as saying that the Partito Democratico cannot be a "mere federation, but something new". Given the fear above, support for a unitary party represents an important shift.
- The Democratici di Sinistra are still worried. Much of this concerns symbolism. Two issues are relevant. First, the Catholic background of many Margherita supporters and elites could cause schism over moral and ethical issues: bio-ethics is particularly important. If we believe the post-materialists, these issues have become, and will continue to be, extremely salient. Second, the entry of the Margherita may mean a reduced commitment to 'socialism'. In particular, the Margherita may not be able to accept a new party's membership in the Party of European Socialists.
- The left electorate wants the Partito Democratico. One Eurisko poll of July this year showed two-thirds of left voters are favourable to a Partito Democratico. Yet this is down ten percent from two years ago.
- However, elites are still uncertain. In part, party elites may be more attentive to genuine cleavages which separate the DS and the Margherita. In part, they may be concerned about maximising power.
- Convergence is being pursued by a heavily intellectual approach. There are three elements which are being pursued at the same time: a 'manifesto of values'; a periodical; and a 'party school'. All three are jam-packed with writers and academics. Whether these three routes will have the same utility as the program of the Unione used for the 2006 elections - a heavily criticised document that nonetheless served to bind a fractious coalition - will depend on whether these individuals can craft attractive looking compromises.
Labels:
andreatta,
democratici di sinistra,
lerner,
margherita,
partito democratico,
prodi,
ulivo,
unione,
vassallo
Sunday, November 05, 2006
Academic jobs in the UK, Canada
I was at a departmental retreat this weekend, and talk turned to careers. We realised that it might be a good idea to pool information about the academic job market in our own countries, especially in those still-rare cases where vacancy notices are posted on the internet and genuinely competitive.
So, for anyone who's interested in jobs in social and political sciences, here are the two big resources for the UK:
So, for anyone who's interested in jobs in social and political sciences, here are the two big resources for the UK:
- Times Higher Education Supplement Jobs: example keyword search on 'politics' finds 31 results largely from the UK. Email alert possible.
- Jobs.ac.uk: section 'Politics and Government' has 42 entries. Email alert and RSS feed possible.
- Jobs page of the Canadian Political Science association
- Societa` Italiana di Scienza Politica (but this may give a flavour of the market).
Business as usual
Whilst the BBC struggles to clarify its position on news-readers wearing the veil, Rai nominates a number of office-holders. In short, business as usual. For completeness' sake, here are the nominees:
- Luigi Meloni (Unione, allegedly) - vice-director, HR;
- Alessandro Zucca (CdL, allegedly) - vice-director, HR;
- Valerio Fiorespino - vice-director, TV Resources;
- Giancarlo d'Arma - vice-director, Acquisitions
Wednesday, November 01, 2006
Worst. Minister. Ever
One can tell something about Italian journalism by the way in which Italian newspapers and television news bulletins treat editorials from the Financial Times and the Economist, two papers with deserved reputations for straight-talking. Yet when these editorials reach Italy, they quickly become sensationalized. And so, when the Financial Times published on its website a ranking of Eurozone finance ministers, putting Tomasso Padoa Schioppa at the bottom of the list, it quickly made the headlines and led to a ridiculous poll on TgLa7 ("Padoa-Schioppa is the worst member of the government: yes or no?").
Like many of these rankings, the devil is in the details - more specifically, in who is polled. In the case of the FT's three-star ranking of finance ministers, it seems to have been a quick series of phone calls around the office ("Each finance minister has also been ranked out of three by FT correspondents according to their political effectiveness"). The dangers of group-think are considerable. In sum, a pleasant game, but the FT's considered judgement - "has upset business and resorted to budget tricks but will probably succeed in cutting the deficit" - doesn't tell us much we didn't know before.
Like many of these rankings, the devil is in the details - more specifically, in who is polled. In the case of the FT's three-star ranking of finance ministers, it seems to have been a quick series of phone calls around the office ("Each finance minister has also been ranked out of three by FT correspondents according to their political effectiveness"). The dangers of group-think are considerable. In sum, a pleasant game, but the FT's considered judgement - "has upset business and resorted to budget tricks but will probably succeed in cutting the deficit" - doesn't tell us much we didn't know before.
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